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Poilievre Takes Pro-Free Trade Message to American Television, Refuses to Criticize Carney on Foreign Soil

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Pierre Poilievre stood before millions of American viewers Thursday morning and drew a line.

Appearing on CNBC’s Squawk Box, the federal Opposition Leader delivered a pointed message in favour of free trade while carefully declining to turn the moment into a domestic political weapon. When hosts pressed him on whether Prime Minister Mark Carney was acting in good faith in ongoing trade negotiations with the United States, Poilievre held firm. “Look, I’m not going to attack my prime minister on foreign soil. It’s just not something I’m going to do,” he said.

The appearance was a notable exercise in restraint for a politician whose domestic posture toward the Liberal government has rarely been described as gentle. Yet the trade dispute with Washington has scrambled the usual dynamics of Canadian parliamentary opposition, creating a kind of enforced solidarity that cuts across party lines — at least in public, and at least for now.

Poilievre echoed arguments the federal government itself has been making since the conflict escalated, telling the American audience that the United States moved first. “The administration hit us with tariffs first, and everything escalated thereafter,” he said, adding that his purpose in making the trip was to fight for Canada rather than score points at home. “Canadians are united in our mission to fight the tariffs and get back to a trade relationship that makes us both better off.”

Behind that show of unity, however, the Conservative caucus has been working through its own internal tensions. The collapse of trade negotiations between Ottawa and Washington has exposed real fault lines within Conservative ranks about how hard to push the Liberal government during a moment of genuine national economic vulnerability. Some party members and supporters have demanded that Carney publicly release the details of the proposed deal he ultimately walked away from, arguing that Canadians deserve to know what was on the table. Others have focused their criticism more narrowly on the government’s broader negotiating strategy, while still others have placed responsibility for the breakdown squarely on Carney himself.

The result is a party that has struggled to settle on a consistent message since the dispute began — a difficulty that Poilievre’s careful CNBC performance did little to resolve, even as it demonstrated his awareness that the international stage demands a different kind of politics. The tension between holding a government to account and presenting a united front to a foreign audience is not a new one in Canadian political life, but the stakes of this particular trade fight make it sharper than usual.

For ordinary Canadians watching the tariff dispute ripple through supply chains, business forecasts, and household budgets, the question of which party has the better negotiating critique may matter less right now than whether anyone in Ottawa — government or opposition — can actually move the needle in Washington. Poilievre’s Thursday appearance was, at minimum, an attempt to show that Canada’s political class, whatever its internal disagreements, can speak to American audiences in a register those audiences recognize.

Whether that message lands, and whether the two countries do return to the table, remains to be seen.

A U.S. Tariff Champion Is Calling on Both Countries to Step Back From the Trade War

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Even the advocates are urging restraint.

Canada-U.S. trade tensions reached a new pitch when U.S. President Donald Trump signed a series of executive orders banning certain Canadian alcoholic beverages and dairy products from entering the United States. Trump framed the move as a direct response to Canadian retaliatory tariffs that had just taken effect on nearly $28 billion worth of U.S. imports — the latest exchange in a tit-for-tat escalation that has rattled supply chains and strained one of the world’s most integrated economic relationships.

Into that charged atmosphere stepped Charles Benoit, trade counsel for the Washington-based Coalition for a Prosperous America, a group that has long championed tariffs and domestic industrial protection. Benoit is not a free-trader. He believes home-market protection, not open markets, ultimately serves both the United States and Canada. That is precisely what makes his current position striking: he is calling on both governments to unilaterally drop their retaliatory measures.

“The tariff war is bad,” Benoit said plainly. “We do not support retaliation. We don’t support chasing exports.” His argument is not that tariffs themselves are wrong, but that the current spiral of counter-measures serves no one’s industrial interests — least of all the sectors both countries say they want to protect.

Benoit sees the outlines of a workable deal already visible in recent public statements. U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, in a widely noted interview with CBC, signalled that Washington’s core demand centres on the harmonization of steel, aluminum, and automotive tariffs. Prime Minister Mark Carney, for his part, has framed Canada’s position around preserving the country’s ability to pursue other trade agreements — a goal that, Benoit suggests, actually aligns with what Greer described. “Both sides should just unilaterally decide that they’re above this mess,” he said, “and drop retaliatory actions.”

On the automotive file, Benoit pointed to the recent U.S.-U.K. framework as a model worth considering — a quota-based arrangement on vehicles rather than a blanket tariff, which he described as “reasonable for both countries.” On dairy, however, he urged Canada to hold firm, treating each product category on its own terms rather than bundling everything into a single negotiating package.

Aluminum is where Benoit’s analysis cuts deepest — and where it carries the most direct relevance for Canadian provinces. He argued that the United States should abolish its tariff on primary aluminum altogether, on the grounds that domestic smelting capacity cannot be rebuilt through tariffs alone. What actually drives competitive aluminum production, he said, is long-term government power agreements. He pointed to the history: in the 1940s, the U.S. federal government built ten smelters, which eventually became Reynolds Aluminum and Kaiser Aluminum. Without that kind of state commitment, the tariff accomplishes little. The Massena smelter in New York, he noted, survives today only because it receives a public-power deal from the New York Power Authority.

His example of what works? Quebec. Because the province owns Hydro-Québec, it can offer the kind of long-term power deals that make aluminum smelting economically viable — a structural advantage rooted directly in Quebec’s model of public ownership of natural resources. For Benoit, that is not a curiosity but a template. “Quebec got it right,” he said. U.S. aluminum output, he added, now sits at a 75-year low — a signal, in his view, that the current tariff approach is failing on its own terms.

The intervention is a reminder that the trade debate does not divide neatly along free-market versus protectionist lines. Even within the protectionist camp, the case for de-escalation is growing — and the argument for sector-by-sector negotiation, grounded in the actual economics of production, is gaining traction on both sides of the border.

P.E.I. Nurses’ Union Warns of Worsening Retention Crisis as Vacancy Rates Climb

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Prince Edward Island’s nursing workforce is under significant and growing strain, with vacancy rates remaining well above provincial targets and frontline nurses reporting widespread burnout, fatigue and frustration. The P.E.I. Nurses’ Union brought those concerns directly to members of the legislature at a standing committee meeting Wednesday, warning that the province’s current approach is not sufficient to stabilize the workforce over the long term.

Union representatives urged Health P.E.I. to develop a concrete workforce strategy that gives priority to retention before recruitment. Their argument is straightforward: attracting new nurses will have limited impact if experienced staff continue to leave because of workload pressures, difficult schedules and deteriorating working conditions.

The concerns raised before MLAs point to a system in which staffing shortages have become self-reinforcing. Vacancies increase the pressure on the nurses who remain, often forcing them to take on heavier workloads, work additional shifts or cover gaps in already stretched teams. That added pressure contributes to exhaustion and burnout, which in turn increases absenteeism and the likelihood that nurses will reduce their hours, leave particular units or exit the public system altogether.

Every departure then creates another vacancy, further increasing the burden on those still working. Health authorities are subsequently forced to rely more heavily on temporary or agency nurses to maintain services, a solution that can help keep units operational in the short term but does little to address the underlying instability of the workforce.

That reliance also raises questions about cost and continuity of care. Temporary staffing can be significantly more expensive than maintaining a stable permanent workforce, while frequent turnover can make it more difficult for teams to develop the familiarity, coordination and institutional knowledge that are important in hospital and community settings.

For the union, the central issue is therefore not simply the number of nurses entering the system, but whether the province can create conditions that make nurses want to stay. Recruitment campaigns, training initiatives and efforts to attract workers from other jurisdictions may all play a role, but they risk becoming a revolving door if the working environment itself remains unchanged.

The union’s emphasis on retention places working conditions at the centre of the debate. Issues such as scheduling, workload, staffing levels, overtime demands and workplace support are likely to be critical in any attempt to stabilize the system. The broader challenge for Health P.E.I. is to move from short-term staffing measures toward a strategy that gives nurses greater confidence that their workloads are sustainable and that the system can offer a viable long-term career.

The timing is also important as negotiations and workforce planning continue. A new agreement that meaningfully improves conditions could help slow the outflow of experienced nurses and make recruitment efforts more effective. Without such changes, however, the province risks continuing to spend heavily on temporary fixes while the underlying staffing problem worsens.

The picture that emerges is one of a health system caught in a difficult cycle: vacancies increase pressure, pressure accelerates burnout, burnout drives departures, and departures create even more vacancies. Breaking that cycle will require more than promotional campaigns or short-term hiring initiatives. It will depend on whether the province can improve the day-to-day reality for the nurses already working in the system and persuade them that staying in Prince Edward Island’s public health service is sustainable.

Canada’s Bank CEOs Signal Resilience Amid Trade War Uncertainty, as Regulator Eases Capital Rules

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Banks Cautious but Confident as Tariff Tensions Mount

Canada’s major bank chief executives struck a measured but cautious tone at a Bay Street summit this week, saying consumers and businesses have so far demonstrated resilience in the face of the escalating Canada-U.S. trade war — even as Ottawa’s retaliatory tariffs on $28-billion worth of American imports took effect Tuesday and anxiety over potential loan defaults continues to grow. The conference, hosted by Bank of Nova Scotia, brought together the country’s top banking leaders alongside the federal banking regulator at a moment of considerable economic uncertainty.

Laurent Ferreira, chief executive of National Bank of Canada, offered one of the more direct assessments of the situation. “The current situation with the United States is not good, and we can’t be in a trade war for too long,” he said. “It’s not good for investment. It’s not good for conditions for the labour market.” His remarks captured the prevailing mood at the summit: sober acknowledgment of the risks, paired with a belief that Canadian institutions — public and private — are adapting.

Ottawa’s Engagement Welcomed by Sector

Ferreira credited the federal government’s recent pivot toward closer engagement with the business community as a meaningful and positive shift. “The shift in Ottawa has been fantastic over the past year,” he said, adding that the manner in which the government is now working with business leaders would be “a good thing for us, a good thing for the country, a good thing for banks.” He also called on Ottawa to go further, suggesting that tax regulations should be adjusted to support business growth — specifically proposing that business owners who sell assets or companies and reinvest the proceeds within Canada within twelve months should face no capital gains tax on those transactions. The idea reflects a broader industry push to unlock domestic investment and redirect capital into the productive economy.

The Regulator Opens the Door

The Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions (OSFI) used the summit to reinforce a signal it had already sent in June, when it reduced the size of the capital cushion Canada’s largest banks are required to hold — a move that freed up billions of dollars for increased lending to consumers and businesses. OSFI superintendent Peter Routledge made clear that the regulator views this flexibility as deliberate and strategic, designed to support federal priorities including defence spending, infrastructure investment, and artificial intelligence development.

“We’re sending a clear and unambiguous message to the banking system that you have capital planning certainty and more capital flexibility yourself to make commercial decisions — over to you,” Routledge told the conference. “From the regulator’s standpoint, wide avenue, green lights as far as you can see. Have at it.”

That posture represents a notable evolution in the relationship between Canada’s banking regulator and the institutions it oversees — one shaped, at least in part, by the pressure on Ottawa to shore up economic growth and productivity in the face of external shocks.

Capital Buffers and Credit Risk

Despite the regulator’s encouragement to deploy more capital, Canada’s largest banks are maintaining substantial buffers above the minimum thresholds. Royal Bank of Canada CEO Dave McKay said his institution is holding a common equity tier 1 (CET1) ratio of 13.5 per cent — well above OSFI’s minimum of 11 per cent — as an explicit precaution against the potential downstream effects of the trade conflict. National Bank is targeting a CET1 ratio of 13 per cent by the end of 2027, with Ferreira noting that strong capital levels provide the flexibility to respond to whatever conditions emerge.

McKay acknowledged that companies are already pulling back modestly, making more conservative decisions on borrowing and investment as the duration and ultimate severity of the trade war remain unclear. “They’re going to manage their expenses not knowing the duration of this conflict and the magnitude of the loss of those clients’ bases, and whether they can pivot their sales to another market or not,” he said. He expressed concern about the potential expansion of tariff measures, but remained emphatic that a durable long-term trade deal between Canada and the United States would serve the interests of both countries — and that American constituents are beginning to make the same case to their own elected representatives.

Loan Losses Within Expectations — For Now

Scotiabank CEO Scott Thomson offered a granular account of where stress is and is not appearing in the bank’s loan portfolio. Mortgage markets in Toronto and Vancouver are showing some strain, he acknowledged, but small business, commercial, and auto lending have not registered significant problems. When the trade war intensified last year, Scotiabank set aside additional provisions for credit losses — funds held in reserve to cover loans that may default, calculated using economic forecasting models — and Thomson said the economic deterioration to date has not approached the bank’s most pessimistic scenario.

“What happened in the macro to date hasn’t been that significant,” Thomson said. “A relatively small amount of trade is tariffs, and I don’t think that’s going to have a huge impact on the credit performance.” He was careful, however, to qualify that assessment. The trajectory of the Canada-U.S. relationship over the coming year, he said, will determine whether that confidence is warranted.

Across the sector, loan losses have remained within the range lenders anticipated when the trade conflict first escalated — a fact the bank CEOs pointed to as evidence of institutional preparedness. Whether it also reflects the early stage of a longer disruption remains, for now, an open question.

Canada-U.S. Trade War Deepens as Washington Bans Alcohol, Dairy and Motorcycles

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Something has shifted in the relationship between Canada and the United States — and it is no longer easy to call it a dispute between allies. On Tuesday, Washington announced sweeping import bans on Canadian alcohol, motorcycles and dairy products, escalating a trade conflict that has been building for months into something that now threatens the very architecture of North American commerce. The bans take effect September 29 and were published directly on the White House website, a deliberate act of public pressure as much as a trade measure.

The immediate trigger was Canada’s own retaliatory tariffs, which came into force after midnight Tuesday. Those counter-tariffs cover roughly $20 billion in American goods, with duties ranging from 15 to 50 percent across a deliberately chosen range of products — steel, furniture, clothing, electronics — calibrated to land in politically sensitive states like Michigan and Ohio ahead of November’s U.S. midterm elections. Ottawa designed the measures to create economic and political discomfort in Washington. Washington responded within hours.

The American bans, as published, cover a remarkably broad range of Canadian alcoholic beverages: beer, wine, whisky, bourbon, rum, vodka, vermouth, tequila, mezcal and brandy. The dairy category includes whey protein, invert molasses and cane molasses. Several cheese products were not banned outright but were added to a list subject to a 50 percent tariff. Paper, aluminum, wood, furniture, lighting and other manufactured goods were also added to that tariff list — a signal that the scope of Washington’s economic pressure is widening, not narrowing.

Prime Minister Mark Carney addressed Canadians in a video posted Tuesday on YouTube. “We have everything we need to pivot and prosper,” he said, framing the moment not as a crisis to be managed but as a structural shift to be embraced. “That pivot will come at a cost. There’s always a cost to action. But it doesn’t come close to the cost of standing still.” It was a pointed message — one that acknowledged the real economic pain ahead while insisting that accommodation is no longer a viable strategy. Polls suggest Canadians are listening: an Angus Reid survey released Tuesday showed Carney’s approval rating jumping 11 points to 62 percent. That political capital, analysts caution, may erode quickly once the consequences of the trade war are felt more broadly at kitchen tables across the country.

Canada’s Trade Minister Dominic LeBlanc struck a harder public tone while keeping diplomatic channels open. In a social media post Tuesday night, he criticized Washington’s latest moves while confirming he remained in contact with U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer. “As has been the case for the last 18 months, our first priority remains on protecting and supporting Canadian workers, farmers, families, and businesses from these unjustified actions,” he wrote. A U.S. official confirmed the two had spoken in recent days and expected to speak again — though what a negotiated path forward might look like remains far from clear.

The deeper structural worry, the one that keeps trade analysts and agricultural groups up at night, is what this conflict does to the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement. The USMCA, which replaced NAFTA and has underpinned integrated North American supply chains for years, currently exempts roughly 80 percent of Canadian exports to the United States from duties. But the tariffs imposed last month by Washington were levied under a Depression-era U.S. law — a legal mechanism that deliberately bypasses USMCA protections, leaving Ottawa with no recourse through the agreement’s own dispute-settlement mechanisms. Michael Harvey, executive director of the Canadian Agri-Food Trade Alliance and a member of Carney’s advisory committee on bilateral economic relations, put it plainly: “What we are worried about is an escalatory spiral. But at the same time, we totally understand that the prime minister needs to find areas of leverage.”

President Trump, for his part, has shown little interest in de-escalation. In the days leading up to Tuesday’s bans, he posted a map of North America draped in the American flag — Canada and Mexico included — and shared an AI-generated image renewing his taunt that Canada should become the 51st U.S. state, pointedly referring to Carney as “Governor.” He threatened to raise tariffs on Canadian automobiles from 25 to 50 percent beginning January 1 — a threat a U.S. official confirmed remains active — and directed the General Services Administration to remove Canadian-origin products from federal procurement schedules unless Canada, in Trump’s framing, “restores full and fair reciprocity for American Farmers and Companies.” He also announced that Bombardier, the Montreal-based aircraft manufacturer, would be barred from selling planes in the United States unless it establishes manufacturing operations on American soil. He signed an executive order renaming Lake Ontario as Lake America. The symbolic provocations are as deliberate as the economic ones.

Canada is a trading nation fighting a trade war against an economy thirteen times its size. That asymmetry is real, and no amount of political confidence can fully dissolve it. Yet the current moment also reveals something important about Canadian political culture: there is broad, cross-regional support for standing firm, at least for now. The challenge for Carney’s government is to translate that public resolve into durable policy — diversifying trade relationships, reinforcing domestic supply chains, and protecting workers in sectors now caught in the crossfire — without allowing the conflict to calcify into something neither country can easily walk back from. The institutions that have governed North American trade for decades were built on a premise of mutual benefit. That premise is under serious strain, and what replaces it, if anything, is a question neither Ottawa nor Washington has yet answered.

Ontario’s New High School Grading Rules Put Students Under More Pressure — and They’re Saying So

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A New Kind of First Day

For most Ontario high school students, the first day back in September carries the usual mix of nerves and anticipation. But this year, something felt different. The province has introduced a sweeping overhaul of how students are graded — one that ties a portion of their final marks directly to whether they show up, and how well they perform on mandatory written exams. For the teenagers walking through those doors in September 2026, this is not a hypothetical policy debate. It is their reality, starting now.

The changes, announced earlier this year by Education Minister Paul Calandra, take full effect in the 2026–2027 school year. Calandra framed the reforms as a response to what teachers have been telling the ministry for years: that they need better tools to manage classrooms and hold students accountable. The province pointed to a measurable decline in student attendance as a driving concern.

What the New Rules Actually Say

The grading breakdown differs depending on where a student sits in the high school system. For students in Grades 11 and 12, coursework accounts for 65 per cent of their final grade, final evaluations for 25 per cent, and attendance and participation for the remaining 10 per cent. Younger students in Grades 9 and 10 face a slightly different split: 65 per cent coursework, 20 per cent final evaluations, and 15 per cent attendance and participation.

The attendance component is not simply binary. According to the province’s own guidelines, students who miss two classes or fewer and consistently engage in class can expect to receive between 80 and 100 per cent of their participation marks. Those who miss more than nine classes and show little to no participation, however, will receive less than 50 per cent of that portion of their grade. The government has been explicit about its intent: unexcused absences will carry real academic consequences.

Written exams are now mandatory in core subjects including English, mathematics and science. Workplace preparation, co-op and special education courses are exempt from written exams, though they still require some form of final evaluation.

Students React: Anxiety, Ambivalence, and Some Agreement

CBC News spoke with students on the first day of school, and the responses ranged from cautious acceptance to genuine apprehension. Margarita Balbin, a Grade 11 student at Catholic Central, put it plainly: “It’s a lot more pressure in that aspect. It’s good, but I’m kind of nervous.” That tension — acknowledging the logic of the policy while feeling its weight — came up repeatedly.

For Bailey Becker, a Grade 9 student in London, Ontario, the timing is particularly pointed. She is beginning high school at the exact moment the province is reshaping what high school means, with no prior experience of a different system to compare it to.

Charli Lockhart, a Grade 12 student at Beal, raised a concern that goes beyond personal anxiety. She argued that the increased stakes of final exams demand a corresponding increase in student support — something she feels is not yet materializing. “Some teachers expect you to put all your focus into their lessons, but they’re not accommodating if you need help,” she said, “and I think it’s kind of ridiculous that they’re going to make our exams 25 per cent.” Her classmate Ragad Ibrahim suggested that if exams are going to carry that much weight, they should at least be open book. “Twenty-five per cent is a really big number,” she said.

Not every student pushed back. Sarina Haghighatnama, also in Grade 12, expressed confidence that students who apply themselves will be able to meet the new expectations. And Jana Ibrahim, attending Catholic Central, offered perhaps the most direct endorsement of the attendance component: “It’s fair because some people are skipping and don’t come to school. I think that it’s better.”

The Broader Stakes

What makes this reform worth watching closely is not just the mechanics of grading — it is what those mechanics signal about the direction of public education in Ontario. The province is betting that stricter accountability measures will reverse a documented attendance problem and better prepare students for post-secondary expectations. That is a reasonable hypothesis, and the concerns driving it are real.

But the students speaking up on the first day of school are raising a legitimate counterpoint: accountability without adequate support is not a complete solution. A 25 per cent final exam in a course where a student feels they cannot get help is a high-stakes gamble, not a level playing field. The equity dimension matters here — students with fewer resources at home, or who face barriers to consistent attendance through no fault of their own, will feel these changes differently than those in more stable circumstances.

Ontario’s education system is built on a commitment to universal access and student success. How well this new grading framework serves that commitment will depend not just on the rules themselves, but on whether schools have the capacity — and the will — to support every student who is now being asked to meet a higher bar.

The students starting high school this fall are the first to find out.

Trade War Tensions Dominate Quebec Election Campaign as Counter-Tariffs Take Effect

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The Canada-U.S. trade dispute has landed squarely in the middle of Quebec’s provincial election, forcing party leaders to confront a fast-moving economic crisis that no campaign script had fully anticipated.

Premier Christine Fréchette issued a pointed warning Monday that Canadian counter-tariffs set to take effect at midnight could provoke yet another retaliatory response from the Trump administration, setting off a new cycle of escalation. “Are the Americans going to respond to these counter-tariffs? I have to say I wouldn’t be surprised,” she told reporters in Mirabel. “That could trigger another cycle, so we’ll have to see.” The Coalition avenir Québec leader briefly stepped away from the campaign trail that evening to chair a virtual cabinet meeting, framing the decision not as a political manoeuvre but as a governing responsibility. “I won’t apologize for governing when it’s to protect our businesses, our economy and our workers,” she said.

Quebec had previously raised concerns that some of Ottawa’s retaliatory measures risked hurting the province’s own industries before benefiting them, and those concerns appear to have carried weight in federal deliberations. John Fragos, press secretary for federal Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne, confirmed that Quebec was among the governments consulted when Ottawa revised its counter-tariff product list two weeks ago. “The changes were determined in part based on discussions with and recommendations by the Quebec government and key economic and sectoral players in Quebec,” Fragos said, adding that Ottawa also extended its tariff-remission program to cover newly targeted products. The federal government secured what it described as dollar-for-dollar counter-measures, with new tariffs applied to certain U.S. goods — including copper wire and dairy products — that Quebec producers are positioned to supply to the rest of Canada.

What do the opposition parties make of all this?

The responses from opposition leaders reveal genuinely different visions of how Quebec should navigate the crisis, not simply partisan point-scoring. Liberal Leader Charles Milliard attended Fréchette’s post-cabinet briefing, though he was candid about his reluctance. “I’ll be honest with you, I don’t want to go at all, but I’m going to go in the public interest,” he told reporters in Laval. Milliard had earlier described the cabinet meeting as a “play” and accused Fréchette of failing to adequately prepare Quebec businesses for the trade war — a charge that cuts to a deeper disagreement about economic readiness. In a video released Monday, he framed the U.S. tariffs as an “economic aggression” and argued the crisis should become a catalyst for diversifying Quebec’s export markets, cutting red tape, and reducing regulatory burdens. “A crisis like the one we’re experiencing isn’t just an ordeal to overcome; it has to be a starting point toward a better future,” he said.

Quebec Conservative Leader Éric Duhaime declined the premier’s invitation outright, accusing Fréchette of using the trade dispute as a campaign distraction rather than a genuine governing moment. Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon agreed to attend but asked that opposition parties receive relevant documents and details in advance of the meeting — a reasonable procedural request that signals his intention to engage substantively rather than ceremonially. Québec solidaire co-spokesperson Ruba Ghazal also accepted the invitation. The range of responses — from Duhaime’s outright refusal to Ghazal’s acceptance — reflects how differently Quebec’s political parties are choosing to position themselves as the economic stakes grow harder to ignore.

Scotiabank’s Defence Bond Framework Signals a Shift in How Canada Finances Its Military Industrial Base

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Canada’s financial sector is catching up to a strategic reality it long ignored. Scotiabank’s announcement this week of a formal Canadian defence issuance framework — a set of published guidelines governing how the bank will raise and deploy capital for defence-related companies through bonds and other instruments — is more than a product launch. It is evidence that the country’s banking establishment is beginning to treat defence financing as a legitimate, even urgent, institutional priority, and that shift carries real consequences for how Canada builds its military industrial base in the years ahead.

The core thesis here is straightforward: Canada has historically underinvested not only in defence itself but in the financial infrastructure that would allow a domestic defence industry to grow, and Scotiabank’s framework represents a meaningful, if still early, correction to that structural gap. For decades, Canadian defence companies lamented that domestic capital was simply unavailable to them, forcing many to seek investment from foreign sources. That dependency was not merely inconvenient — it was a strategic vulnerability. A country serious about sovereign defence capacity cannot rely on overseas investors to fund the companies building its weapons systems, its communications networks, and its critical infrastructure.

Scotiabank’s framework addresses this directly. By issuing defence bonds — in both private and public formats — the bank will raise capital from investors and channel it as loans to companies that demonstrate meaningful participation in the Canadian defence and security sector. Eligible borrowers must meet concrete criteria: membership in recognized industry associations, inclusion in government procurement programs or supplier lists, or active engagement in activities the bank has defined across sectors including aerospace, ammunition, supply chains, and critical infrastructure. The framework also excludes certain weapons systems, notably cluster munitions and chemical weapons, in keeping with international conventions Canada has ratified. These are not trivial details. They suggest the bank has done serious institutional work, not simply affixed a patriotic label to existing lending activity.

The broader context makes Scotiabank’s move legible as part of a coordinated, if still uneven, realignment across Canadian finance. Earlier this year, all six of Canada’s major banks committed to supporting the Defence, Security and Resilience Bank, a new multinational institution to be headquartered in Canada. In May, Royal Bank of Canada was reported to be advising Ontario on a $500-million resilience bond to fund defence projects. In August, National Bank retained retired general Rick Hillier as a strategic defence adviser. None of these steps, taken alone, transforms the landscape. Taken together, they indicate that the Big Six have concluded that defence is no longer a sector to be held at arm’s length. Brandon Konigsberg, Scotiabank’s executive vice-president and group treasurer, acknowledged frankly that “standards are still forming” in defence financing — which is precisely why a published, transparent framework matters. It establishes a reference point at a moment when the rules of the road are still being written.

The political scaffolding supporting this shift is substantial. Scotiabank’s framework explicitly references Canada’s Defence Industrial Strategy, released in February, the current defence policy document Our North Strong and Free, and Canada’s NATO commitment to reach five per cent of GDP in combined defence and security spending by 2035. That last target is ambitious — some would say punishing — and the federal government will need private capital to have any realistic chance of meeting it. Public procurement alone cannot scale fast enough. What the framework implicitly acknowledges is that the state and the financial sector must work in tandem if Canada is to build something resembling a credible domestic defence industrial base, rather than simply writing larger cheques to foreign prime contractors.

There are legitimate questions worth holding onto as this framework moves from paper to practice. Defence financing involves ethical complexity that a framework can name but cannot resolve — questions about end users, export destinations, and the nature of the products being financed are, as Scotiabank notes in its own policy language, genuine considerations. The bank’s defence subcommittee and steering committee will bear real responsibility for how those judgments are made. The commitment to report annually on how bond proceeds supported small- and medium-sized enterprises is a meaningful accountability mechanism, but its value depends entirely on the rigour with which it is applied. Canada’s defence industry is dominated by SMEs, and ensuring capital actually reaches them — rather than concentrating among established primes — will determine whether this framework delivers on its stated purpose. The direction is right. The work is just beginning.

Trump’s Social Media Offensive Against Canada Signals a Deeper Assault on the Trade Relationship

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A Campaign of Pressure, Not Negotiation

The thesis is simple, and the evidence for it is mounting: Donald Trump is not engaging in good-faith trade diplomacy with Canada. He is waging a sustained campaign of economic intimidation, using social media as a weapon and annexationist rhetoric as its ammunition. The day before Canada’s counter-tariffs on nearly $28 billion worth of American goods were set to take effect, Trump spent Labour Day morning flooding Truth Social with threats, maps, and nationalist slogans — none of which bore any resemblance to the language of a country genuinely seeking a negotiated resolution.

The most striking post appeared at 10:43 a.m. It showed a map of North America — and beyond — blanketed entirely by an American flag, with the words “United States of America” superimposed across what is currently Canada, Mexico, Greenland, Iceland, and Central America. This is not trade policy. It is territorial fantasy, and its repetition in the public sphere is not incidental. It frames every economic grievance Trump raises within a larger project of absorption, one in which Canada is not a sovereign partner but a wayward territory to be disciplined back into line.

Trump’s attack on Bombardier, the Montreal-based business jet manufacturer, illustrates how this campaign operates in practice. “NO MORE SELLING BOMBARDIER IN THE UNITED STATES!” he declared, adding that the company “lives off American Buyers, American Companies, American Airports, and American Service.” The rhetoric was blunt and the facts were selective. Bombardier, the world’s second-largest business jet manufacturer after Gulfstream Aerospace, employs 3,500 people directly in the United States, works with nearly 2,800 American suppliers across 47 states, and participates in a U.S. Department of Defense program helping veterans transition to civilian careers. Threatening to shut it out of the American market would cause real harm — on both sides of the border.

The “Governor” Jab and the Currency Claim

Trump’s economic grievances arrived alongside his now-familiar political taunting. On Sunday, he shared an illustration depicting himself in a USA Hockey jersey standing over Prime Minister Mark Carney, who was shown sprawled on the ice, with the caption telling him to “get up, governor.” The word choice is deliberate. Trump has consistently refused to address Canada’s head of government by his proper title, calling both Carney and his predecessor Justin Trudeau “governor” — the administrative title for a subordinate of a federal state, not the leader of a sovereign nation. The insult is not merely juvenile. It encodes a political claim: that Canada is already, in some meaningful sense, a province of the United States waiting to be formalized.

Trump also declared on Sunday that Canada’s exchange rate with the United States is “unacceptable” and has been so “for years,” without clarifying what he meant or what he intended to do about it. Currency values reflect a complex interplay of monetary policy, trade flows, and macroeconomic conditions — not a bilateral arrangement that one country imposes on another. The Canadian dollar’s value relative to the U.S. dollar is not a policy choice Ottawa makes to disadvantage American exporters. Framing it as such is either economically illiterate or strategically dishonest, and neither possibility is reassuring when it comes from a president whose tariff decisions carry real consequences for Canadian workers and industries.

Trump also accused Canada of blocking Gulfstream Aerospace from doing business in the country — a claim Transport Canada flatly contradicted. “Gulfstream aircraft is and can be freely sold and operated in Canada,” a departmental spokesperson told CTV News, adding that there were no outstanding aircraft validation requests involving the company and that Canada continues to meet its international aviation obligations. The accusation, in other words, was false. But it was deployed as justification for threatening Bombardier’s market access, which suggests the goal was never accuracy — it was leverage.

Counter-Tariffs and the Limits of Patience

Canada’s response has been measured, deliberate, and grounded in the logic of proportional retaliation rather than escalation for its own sake. The counter-tariffs taking effect on Tuesday cover more than 700 American goods worth approximately $28 billion, including dairy products, plywood, and sunscreen. These follow an earlier round of Canadian tariffs imposed in August, after trade talks between Ottawa and Washington broke down — tariffs that hit American exports ranging from hockey sticks and cement to honey. The sequencing matters: Canada did not move first, and it has not moved without cause.

Prime Minister Carney, who has not publicly responded to Trump’s Labour Day posts, issued a statement that pointed toward a longer strategic horizon. Canada, he said, is actively working to diversify its trading partnerships — a signal that Ottawa understands the structural vulnerability of depending so heavily on a single market whose political leadership has become openly hostile. That diversification will take time and involve real costs, but it reflects a sober reading of the current moment.

What Trump’s social media barrage ultimately reveals is the tension at the heart of this dispute. Canada is not, in any meaningful sense, treating the United States as a “piggybank,” to use Trump’s phrase. It is a trading partner with legitimate economic interests, a distinct political culture, and a constitutional order of its own — one that includes robust provincial autonomy, a federal structure, and democratic institutions that Canadians have built and defended over more than 150 years. The annexationist imagery, the dismissal of Canada’s prime minister as a “governor,” the false claims about Gulfstream, and the threats against Bombardier are not the tools of a neighbour seeking fair terms. They are the tools of a bully seeking submission. Canada’s measured, firm response is not just economically justified — it is constitutionally necessary.

Canada-U.S. Trade Talks Stall as Tariff Deadline Looms — and Conservatives Search for a Way Back

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What is actually at stake in the Canada-U.S. trade standoff?

As of midnight Wednesday, new American tariffs are set to strike $29 billion worth of Canadian goods — unless negotiators on both sides can bridge their differences in time. The clock is running, and so far, no deal has been announced. Canada’s Trade Minister Dominic LeBlanc and Chief Trade Negotiator Janice Charette have remained in Washington this week, signalling that Ottawa views the talks as too consequential to conduct at arm’s length. On Monday, the two met directly with U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, the two American officials who hold the most sway over the shape of any eventual agreement.

The tone coming out of those meetings has been measured rather than triumphant. When LeBlanc addressed reporters afterward, he offered no breakthrough and no breakdown — only the frank acknowledgment that “our job is not yet done.” That phrase, spare as it is, captures the essential uncertainty: Canadian and American officials are still at the table, which is better than the alternative, but the distance between their positions has not yet been closed. For Canadian exporters, manufacturers, and the workers whose livelihoods depend on cross-border commerce, the next twenty-four hours carry real weight.

It is worth remembering what these tariff negotiations represent in a broader sense. The Canada-U.S. trade relationship is the largest bilateral trading relationship in the world, and the rules governing it touch virtually every sector of the Canadian economy, from agriculture and automotive production to energy and financial services. When Washington moves to impose new duties on $29 billion in Canadian goods, the downstream effects ripple well beyond the directly targeted industries — they reshape supply chains, affect employment, and test the political durability of federal trade policy.

Where does Prime Minister Carney stand, and what leverage does Canada have?

Prime Minister Mark Carney has staked considerable political capital on his government’s ability to manage the relationship with the Trump administration without capitulating to its demands. That balancing act — firm enough to satisfy Canadian public opinion, flexible enough to keep negotiations alive — defines the strategic challenge facing Ottawa right now. LeBlanc’s continued presence in Washington reflects a deliberate choice to keep the conversation at a senior level, signalling seriousness without conceding ground publicly.

Canada’s leverage in these talks is real but asymmetric. The United States is Canada’s overwhelmingly dominant export market, which means Canadian producers feel the pain of tariffs more acutely than their American counterparts feel the pain of Canadian countermeasures. At the same time, Canada supplies the United States with energy, critical minerals, and integrated manufacturing components that American industry genuinely depends on — and that dependence creates pressure on Washington too. The negotiating dynamic is not one of equals, but it is not one of total helplessness either, and understanding that distinction matters for any honest assessment of where Canada stands.

What is happening inside the Conservative Party?

While the trade drama unfolds in Washington, a separate but consequential political story is developing at home. The Conservative Party of Canada is grappling with a fundamental strategic question: what does its path back to power actually look like? After failing to win the most recent federal election against a Liberal Party led by Carney, the party and its leader Pierre Poilievre face the difficult work of rebuilding credibility and finding a message that resonates with a broader coalition of Canadians.

Poilievre’s political situation is genuinely complex. He built his leadership on an insurgent, cost-of-living-focused critique of the Trudeau Liberals, and that critique landed effectively enough to make the Conservatives competitive — but not competitive enough to form government. Now, with Carney in office and the political terrain shifted by an ongoing trade conflict with the United States, the Conservative leader must decide whether to adapt his positioning or double down on the formula that brought him this far. Neither choice is without risk, and the party’s internal conversations about direction are, by all accounts, still very much in progress.

For observers of Canadian parliamentary democracy, this moment is a reminder of how quickly political fortunes can shift and how much the external environment — in this case, a trade war initiated by a foreign government — can reshape the domestic political calculus. The Conservatives must find a way to be relevant and credible on the file that currently dominates public attention, even as the government controls the levers of actual negotiation. That is the structural challenge of opposition in a Westminster system, and it is one Poilievre’s team is working through in real time.

What should Canadians watch for next?

The immediate focal point is the midnight Wednesday deadline. If LeBlanc and Charette secure an agreement — or even a framework that delays the new tariffs — the political pressure on the Carney government eases considerably, at least in the short term. If the deadline passes without a deal and the tariffs take effect, the government will face harder questions about its strategy and its willingness to deploy countermeasures of its own. Canadian retaliatory tariffs have been part of Ottawa’s toolkit before, and their use — or non-use — will itself become a political story.

Beyond the immediate deadline, the broader trajectory of Canada-U.S. trade relations under the current American administration remains deeply uncertain. Each round of negotiations has produced partial progress and new complications, and there is little reason to expect a clean, comprehensive resolution in the near term. For Canadians, that means living with ongoing economic uncertainty — a reality that will continue to shape federal politics, provincial responses, and the daily decisions of businesses and workers from coast to coast to coast.